Phenomenological Perspective And Theoretical Framework Sociology Essay

Phenomenological Perspective And Theoretical Framework Sociology Essay The aim in this chapter is to offer the foundations on which I base my methodological approach and data analysis. In this section I will clarify theoretical issues which I have examined and informed my work. I outline a framework that highlights the interconnectedness of the macro and micro in explicating the actions and policies of local government in implementing the renewed race relations approach. In this regard, the chapter covers a range of important issues and introduces a number of theoretical concepts relating to race relations and equality. For work of this sort to have meaning it has to embody a rigorous conceptual analysis which underpin a critical theory approach. These definitions are located in a broader theory of oppression and intrinsic discrimination and inequality. Below are the concepts which have informed my approach, these concepts will allow me to examine and understand the complex situation. Phenomenological perspective To state that research doesnt happen in vacuum / isolation acknowledgement of historical and social influences will shape the research Objectivity/subjectivity Positionality Structuration theory Through social action that structures and agency are shaped. Rejects Parsons functionalism subjectivity And also hermeneutics approach on agency He argues his theory of structuration reveals how the micro (personal) is shaped by the macro (social systems) Read Positioning chapter in 1984 book. Social practices ordered across space and time refer to the actions of individuals and groups understood in their social, cultural and historical context. A key element of this theory, therefore, is the attempt to understand reality in terms of structure the significance of social divisions and other aspects of social organisation and agency the exercise of choice. While many forms of social theory address either structure or agency, structuration theory is characterised by a focus on structure and agency and the ways in which they are intertwined. In understanding the ability to participate in community matters what is needed then is an appreciation of both structure and agency. It is not a matter of either or, nor is it an underemphasising of the role of agency by concentrating on the social structures to the almost total exclusion of issues of choices, intentions, wishes, fears and aspirations, or an overemphasising of the role of agency, failing to recognise the power role of social structure in shaping, enabling and constraining the actions of individuals and groups. Our agency is rooted in the complexities of social systems but is not determined by them. Racism, discrimination and oppression are also imbedded in those social systems. Power Power is a central feature of the struggle to promote social justice and equality. It is envisaged power in this study will be played out in many ways. In a practical sense, it is the local government who holds the power both with policy and resources (staff, time, organisation, money), in this case the dominant party, to eliminate the inequalities faced by minority groups. Power analysis is useful in identifying resistance to change as this does not rely solely on the While in the workings of organisations power is transparent in the formal decision-making process, work by Hunter study of decision makers and places of net-working , Mills study of power elite, Bachrach and Baratzs power is,exercised by containing the scope of decision-making to relatively safe issues (p. 6). Steven Lukes (1974) three dimensional framework of power identify other ways in which power may operate. In this study I am informed by Lukess three dimensional framework of power as it illuminates the different dimensions where power operates. Lukes theory is built on earlier theories on power which he addresses in his book Radical View. Dahls one dimensional model of power is conceived of as intentional and active in the political arena by political actor groups, and power consists in defeating the opponents preferences. The focus is on decision-making behavior on issues where there is an observable conflict of subjective interests as revealed by policy preferences. Criticism of this view, is that power is not only reflected in concrete decisions. Individuals can limit decision-making to non-controversial issues by keeping certain topics off the agenda and argued that power should be analysed by two-dimensional model of power. According to Lukes, the two-dimensional view of power is limited in that it focuses only on observable conflicts, whether overt or covert. Lukes claims power can also by influencing, shaping, or determining his wants and preferences. Another second criticism is that this view is too committed to behaviorism, that is to the study of concrete decisions, whereas inaction can also be the outcome of socially structured and culturally patterned collective behavior. The third point on which this view is seen as inadequate is in its claim that non-decision-making power only exists where there are grievances which are denied entry into the political process in the form of issues. However, Lukes argues that power can be also exercised by preventing grievances by shaping perceptions and preferences in such a way as to secure the acceptance of the status quo since no alternative appears to exist, or because it is seen as natural and unchangeable. This he refers to as the insidious/invisible third dimension of power, through which the relatively powerless came to internalise and accept their own condition, and thus might not be awa re of nor act upon their interests in any observable way. Lukes third face of power was inspired by Gramscis ideas about hegemony and manufacture of consent as the means by which the willing compliance of workers is secured in capitalist societies. In practical terms, Gramscis insights about how power is constituted in the realm of ideas and knowledge expressed through consent rather than force. Lukes contrasts two meanings of hegemony: the first as an unconscious psychological process that is cultural and internalised, and the second a more conscious, wilful and coordinated strategy of domination. Hinson and Healey (2003, 4) further write that [Invisible power] is exercised in part through control of the institutions that shape and create meaning: religious institutions, the media, mass consumer culture, popular ideas about government, etc. Although the concept of power is used, it is itself is highly contested. What accounts for the highly contested nature of the concept of power? One explanation is that how we conceptualize power is shaped by the political and theoretical interests that we bring to the study of power  Lukes 2005, p63.   Some theorists define power as getting someone else to do what you want them to do (power-over) whereas others define it more broadly as an ability or a capacity to act (power-to). Many very important analyses of power in political science, sociology, and philosophy presuppose the former definition of power (power-over). As Steven Lukes notes, Dahls one-dimensional view of power, Bachrach and Baratzs two-dimensional view, and his own three-dimensional view are all variations of the same underlying conception of power, according to which A exercises power over B when A affects B in a manner contrary to Bs interests (1974, 30). Similarly, but from a very different theoretical background, Michel Foucaults highly influential analysis presupposes that power is a kind of power-over; and he puts it, if we speak of the structures or the mechanisms of power, it is only insofar as we suppose that certain persons exercise power over others (1983, 217). Feminists refer to this kind of relation as a specific kind of power-over relation, namely, one that is unjust and oppressive, they also refer to this kind of relation as oppression, patriarchy, subjection, and domination to those over whom power is exercised, this oppressive power will be discussed below. For the above section should I include Huner and Mills ways in which way power is used to manage people , manipulation and coercion see separate document how power works Global effects local While this is local community study, I am drawing upon the study of international developmental work by Gaventa and colleagues. Firstly, they contend that effects of globalisation have changed the spatial relations of power, therefore, power increasingly should be understood not only at the local, national or the global level, but also in their inter-relationships p4 (ESRC undated). The ripple effects of 9/11 in the US and the increase in Islamophobia, the renewed race relations can be seen in this context. Places where power is held Although in the past it was the local government who controlled and made the decisions in the city and neighbourhoods, governance is now characterised by multiple intersecting actors, arenas and networks. The decision making arenas in which power may be found have become increasingly more varied and porous. Especially with the increase in arms-length-companies, social enterprises (joint private and public projects). Therefore attention to the decision-making in such spaces require equal focus in the study of power and decision makers. Who says they have become more porous? Gaventa There are different approaches to understanding and analysing power, I will use the powercube approach offered by by Gaventa and team which is based on Lukes three faces dimensions of power three faces. The power cube is an analytical device, which can be used along with other approaches to reflect on and analyse how strategies for change in turn change power relations: The approach, developed over the years is largely based on studies of community groups based in southern hemisphere. The theoretical approach grew originally as a way of exploring how powerful actors control the agenda through and the ability of less powerful actors to build their awareness and action for change.   The powercube is a framework for analysing the  levels,  spaces  and  forms  of power, and their  interrelationship.   It is useful in exploring various aspects of power and how they interact with each other.   The  levels  dimension of the powercube refers to the differing layers of decision-making and authority held on a vertical scale, including the  local,national  and  global. The  spaces  dimension of the powercube refers to the potential arenas for participation and action, including what we call  closed,  invited  and  claimedspaces. The  forms  dimension refers to the ways in which power manifests itself, including its  visible,  hidden  and  invisible  forms. The powercube can build on and be used to further explore the  expression of power:   power over, power to, power with, and power within. In the study, where the dominant group have to bring about change for minority groups, expressions of power such as power-over by actors who are instructed to make changes. The power lens will also help to identify partnerships which help to generate power-with across wider range of actors/ groups. The empirical work should highlight power-within as minority communities self-determine within the community to work towards improving their lives. In this respect, the power lens will illuminate sources of claimed space by the mobilisation of networks and supporters within the neighbourhood. John Gaventa takes invisible power further. In the powercube, invisible power need not be limited to intentional acts of thought control by the powerful, but can also be seen as self-reproducing social processes in which the thinking and behaviour of the powerful and powerless alike are conditioned by pervasive norms. Invisible power in the powercube can therefore embrace both meanings of hegemony its structure and agency and points to the need for appropriate strategies for engaging with both forms of invisible or internalised power. This third face of power is likewise treated by VeneKlasen and Miller (2002) as a multidimensional barrier to effective citizen participation, requiring well-designed tactics for building self-awareness, self-esteem and power within to challenge dominant norms such as gender and racial discrimination. Their practical methods are grounded in experiences of womens organising and empowerment, and recognises the direct links between gendered norms in society and the fragile condition of womens power within. Invisible power in this sense bridges agency and structure. The use of power analysis is effective in uncovering/ identifying resistence and compliance to changes rather than relying solely on the formal decision-making process. Critical race theory Relationship to other movements Critical race theory builds on the insights of movements such as anti-racism and radical feminism to which it owes a large debt. CRT also draws from certain European philosophers and theorists such as Steven Lukes, Antonia Gramsci, as well as from the American radical tradition exemplified by such figures as Sojourner Truth, W.E.B. Du Bois. race equality policies are developed by white people/the oppressors themselves. CRT also shares a sympathetic understanding of group empowerment. Racism/Discrimination The term race is problematic The term race itself is problematic, a clear understanding of the term race is paramount in understanding what is racism and what impact this has on institutions and people. While the term race is used, Miles and Phizacklea (1982), have suggested that race should be dispensed with as an analytic category because the very use of the term reproduces and gives legitimacy to a distinction, existence of different human races, that has no scientific status or validity. Thus, an analytic category helps to perpetuate and legitimises the notion that race is a meaningful term (Miles and Phizacklea 1984). Although this may be the case at one level, to deny the significance of race this also obscures the ways in which it has real effects both in material and representational terms (look up this quote and amend) (Anthias 1990). While it is clear that races do not exist, in any objective scientific reality, it is clear that it does exist as a category /group which is reflected in political and popular discourse (Solomos). Race is a way of constructing differences (Anthias and Yuval-Davis, 1993, Cashmore and Troyna 1983, Gilroy, 1987). Race is a social category used in reference to divisions within a particular society. Cashmore and Troyna, suggest that race should be seen as a stigmatized identity forced on other people. Similarly, Modood (1988) proposes that race relates to mode of oppression, how a group is categorised and subordinated. Race theorists such as Bonnet 1993, Gilroy 1987, Brah 1996 and others understand the notion of races as a social construct. As Bhavani argues the development of race as a spurious scientific category is a consequence of imperialism and colonization. It is this scientificism which informed, (and still informs), prevailing ideologies of biological superiority and inferiority among human beings on the basis of race. Jackson and Penrose (1993) argue that race is so rooted in the way we think about the world that we tend to take the category for granted. It is through the apparent naturalness and immutability that racist ideology works. Although the terms race and racism are themselves contradictory, the terms are useful as a way of categorizing the systematic mistreatment experienced by people from black and minority ethnic communities and is used in this study. Donald and Rattansi (1992) suggest that instead of starting with the question as to whether race exists, it is more useful to ask how the category operates and how racial frames of reference are articulated and deployed, and with what consequences (p1). Race and ethnicity used interchangeably The terms race and ethnicity are often used interchangeably, the terms are generally distinguished in that race evokes a biological and genetic referent while ethnicity refers to cultural and religious difference and kinship (Gunaratnam).  The term ethnicity has been preferred in some quarters; however, ethnicity is also linked to liberal notions of multi-ethnic societies and multi-culturalism which have a tendency to obscure the force of racism with their celebrations of benign pluralism. Race theorists argue the markers and signifiers that racism uses need not be those of biology and physiognomy but can be those of language, territorial rights or culture (Anthias p24). P.262 Rolston ethnicity slowly became term used to discuss the internal conflict in Northern Ireland not its history, inequalities, structural policies or action. p.257 Rolston use of postmodernist language in policies, work etc. there is not any mention of historical legacies such as Thus the unequal relationship s, where the Irish and blacks were the oppressed by the British suppressers is ignored, in a way attempts are made to blank out the history . Racism works through oppression, and the form of oppression can be through discrimination, bias, prejudice and bigotry Bluemenfeld. Anti-racist theorists have drawn upon theories of oppression to examine how racism works, two key themes are prevalent. Firstly, there is the awareness is a system of oppression that not only stigmatises and affects the dominated group but also does psychic and ethical violence to the dominator group as well. The second theme is that racism functions not only through overt, conscious prejudice and discrimination but also through unconscious attitudes and behaviours of a society that presumes an unacknowledged but pervasive white cultural supremacy. The concept of unmarked and unacknowledged norms bolsters the power position of the dominant group. For instance, by group identities, the dominant group have positive value, while labelling the dominated groups as minorities. While in the UK, racism is popularly understood to be white people having power over black people, Rolston points to anti-Irish racism, which exists in the UK. Rolston argues there are similarities between black oppression and Irish national oppression. In both cases, the root cause of conflict and inequalities is not addressed but hidden behind a veil of multiculturalism which is articulate through the use of postmodernist language. Ethnicity, diversity, integration, tolerance, difference,cultural awareness is considered to be all that is needed. The study of racism has shown that it operates through systems of oppression. This often involves a dominant group who knowingly or unknowingly exploit and reap unfair advantage over members of subordinate or target groups (Johnson 2004). The dominant group also has economic, political or social, power over the subordinate group. (Essed and Goldberg 2002)suggests that racism is created through routine practices by people. They describe racism as both structure and process. It is structure because dominance and discrimination exists and is reproduced through the formulation and application of rules, laws, and regulations and through access to and the allocation of resources. As a process, it exists in the everyday practice where it is reproduced and reinforced, adapting continually to the ever-changing social, political and economic societal conditions. It becomes normal to the dominant group to see others as different and inferior particularly in relation to the colour of their skin (Bhavnani 2005). Everyday racism refers to forms of discrimination that manifest themselves in systematic, recurrent, familiar practices. Everyday racism is infused into familiar practices, it involves socialized attitudes and behaviour (Johnson 2004). Racism also serves to deny full participation in economic, social, political and cultural life by the essence that they posit (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1992; (Gunaratnam 2003). However, there is not a unitary system of signification that can be labelled racist nor is there a unitary perpetrator or victim. This position requires addressing the ways in which the categories of difference and exclusion or the bias of class, gender and ethnicity incorporate processes of racialisation and are intertwined in producing racist discourses and outcomes Anthias (1992 (p3). Include different levels that racism can operate from SCIP (Pincus). There more ethnicity and culture matters the more its characteristics are represented as relatively fixed, inherent within a group, transmitted from generation to generation, not just by culture and education, but by biological inheritance (Gunaratnam 2003). Cultural difference has largely displaced the notion of biological difference, as a basis for excluding or inferiorising, both in discourse and practice (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1992) and recently faith has been used as categorising difference (Cantle 2007). Anthias and Yuval-Davis (1992) argue that exclusionary practices that are formulated on the categorization of individuals into groups whereby ethnic or racial origin are the criteria of access or selection then they are endemically racist. They content that racism is not just about beliefs or statements, but about the ability to impose those beliefs or world-views as hegemonic, and as a basis for denial of rights or equality. Racism is thus embedded in power relations of diff erent types. Whilst it is known that racism is not only carried out by white people but also by black people, it should not be confused with the occasional mistreatment experienced by whites, with the systematic and institutionalized mistreatment experienced by people of colour (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1992). The studies of oppressive behaviour, attitudes and structures have been studied by other oppressed categories such as feminists. Iris Young has oppression names a family of concepts and conditions, which can be divide into 5 categories: exploitation, marginalisation, powerlessness, cultural imperialism and violence (Young). Marxist explanations of racism is that class divide. In using the concept of race there is the danger of essentialising difference. There are difficulties and contradictions involved in working with the concept, as other concepts such as gender, class, sexuality, ableism also impact on how people live. Hall further argues that the interactive nature of racial or gender categories should be recognised as a complex process and a set of factors through which identity is formulated and contested. Constructions of race as of class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity interact, fuse with or displace each other in an on-going process of confrontation and negotiation (Hall, 1992). Culture Institutional racism While institutional discrimination had been recognised by anti-racist to exist, it was as significant marker in racism in that institutional racism was publicly exposed and put on the political agenda in the Macpherson Inquiry published in 1999. (Back et al 2002). For the purposes of the Inquiry the concept of institutional racism which was applied was The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people 6.34 Oppression can also be structural. Its causes are embedded in unquestioned norms, habits, and symbols in the assumptions underlying institutional rules and the collective consequences of following those rules. Some groups suffer as a consequence of often unconscious assumptions and reactions of well-meaning people in ordinary interactions, media and cultural stereotypes and structural features of bureaucratic hierarchies and market mechanisms in short, the normal processes of everyday life Young. Need to bring social structures and institutional contexts under evaluation as these are at least partly the cause of patterns of distribution of jobs or wealth. Young has noted three primary categories- decision-making structures and procedures, division of labour and culture (p22). Young argued that Justice should refer not only to distribution, but also to the institutional conditions necessary for the development and exercise of individual capacities and collective communication and cooperation (p37 Power to omit The decision makers have the power to keep and control the topic on the agenda for discussion. Thus by not addressing issues which are pertinent to minority groups the decision makers collaborate in the discrimination. Impact of racism on BME and WHITE communities The impact of racism in British society can be seen in the racialised and gendered forms of class exploitation either as homeworkers or in low-waged occupations on employers premises (Amrit Wilson). Race significantly affects black womens experiences of treatment in areas such as education, the health service and the labour market (Brah 1991). The influence how black people are represented in popular culture and the mass media (Modleski 1986) Points to include in definition of racism From the discussion above, the following points have been identified as appropriate to include in the working definition of the term racism which will be used in this study. Although the terms race and racism are themselves contradictory, the terms are useful as a way of categorizing the systematic mistreatment experienced by people from black and minority ethnic communities (BME). The systematic mistreatment experienced by people from BME communities is a result of institutionalized inequalities in the social structure. In denying people from BME communities, full participation in economic, political and social power, a self-perpetuating imbalance occurs. This imbalance consistently favours members of some ethnic and cultural groups at the expense of others. The consequences of this imbalance pervade all aspects of the social system and affect all facets of peoples lives. The systematic mistreatment of any group of people generates misinformation about them, which in turn becomes the explanation of or justification for continued mistreatment. Racism exists as a whole series of attitudes, assumptions, feelings and beliefs about people of colour and their cultures which are a mixture of misinformation, fear and ignorance. Participation and citizenship Participation of general population Big Society Although the concept of participation or community participation as it is often known, has been around since 1970s?, in the UK it has re-emerged with renewed vigour in the last decade. Participation and engagement are terms used intermittently today. While there are differences in the meaning of these terms there is also a lot of overlap. These terms are associated with the importance of involving wider groups of people in decisions, services and design, it is often thought services should be client-led, user-led for the service to be more effective. Concerns about a democratic deficit in the accountability of public services, and an increasing view that lay citizens, members of the public and service users have an important contribution to offer to the improvement of public-service provision, have given rise to a variety of new initiatives in local government, health and social care, and other fields (see, e.g., Barnes, Newman and Sullivan, 2007). Race perspective Participation from citizens rights to citizens responsibilities Participation allows people to be part of the democratic process, sense of belonging, and part of the decision making. However, the process of racial discrimination excludes black people from fully participating in society and being equal members in all the structures of the society. It is often the case, black peoples role is limited to being the clients service-users. Black people are excluded from participating to a greater extent. The multiculturalism policies did not address the deep rooted racism epidemic within the UK. It was merely about steel drums and samosas. As discussed earlier, racism excludes black people from fully participating in societies.

Power and Social Work

This essay shall begin by defining power, then will go on to discuss Marx Weber and Parson's theories of explanations which will in turn demonstrate how and to whom power is distributed. I shall then go on to discuss how this distribution of power applies to social work and the service users. Power and powerlessness go hand in hand as to have one the other must exist. As society is not egalitarian and never shall be, there will always be inequalities. These inequalities can be on both personal and structural levels. To enable us to understand power and social work we must firstly understand the theoretical explanation of the distribution of power, privilege, prestige and powerlessness within western society by looking at social divisions, class and their positions within society. Marx was interested in the theories of economic development, he believed that economy was dominated by agriculture and power was held by the aristocratic landowner, in the period when manufacture was the dominant mode of production which he called the ‘bourgeoisie age'. According to Marx the history of human society past and present, has been that of class struggles. There has always been a subdivision within society into different ranks, where social positions have come into grades. The ‘bourgeoisie age' has been split into two classes, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Marx defined class in the term of dominant ‘mode of production' and the position within the social organisation of the means of production, within industrial capitalism it was the bourgeoisie who owns the means of production and as a result exploits the proletariat who sells his labour to the owners of the means of production. The industrial middle class had created an industrial proletariate and the success of the middle class would ensure other classes would slip down into the proletariat, the lower middle class would be excluded from the bourgeoisie as they did not have enough capital to compete, this combined with the immersation of the proletariat to keep costs down was a mechanism , which would create the simple two class structure. Hence his theory that the labour process the bourgeoisie dominating and controlling the proletariat and a ‘legal and political superstructure (the political system of parliament etc government was neatly characterised as ‘managing the committee of bourgeoisie' this is how social stratification came about. Marx clearly believed that social stratification is an objective reality, which follows inevitably from the process of economic change. The welfare state is a result of struggle by working class people to achieve collective benefits within the system and is accepted by capitalists because it maintains the system, which strengthens their wealth. Social workers are thus put in a contradictory position as representatives of the welfare state, they help working class people but whilst doing so maintain the power of the owners of capital. Weber had a different analysis of the nature of classes, he allows the possibility of a multiplicity of economic classes. He found that as well as the bourgeoisie there were other intermediate groups. Weber would call these ‘status' groups. Weber suggests members of status groups have certain rights, privileges (or lack of it ) and so on. These create many social classes consisting of people in different occupations, requiring different skills and qualifications, hence, it has been accepted that occupation is used in defining class. According to Weberian theory: â€Å"authority is the legitimate exercise of power, ie the people whom that power is exercised accept it is legitimate and therefore recognise it's authority† Wiles, M in Power and Social Work Lecture notes Webers analysis of authority is that of Tradition (customs and practices of a group i.e. the royal family). Charismatic (the possession of leadership often related to religious leaders) and Rational-Legal Authority (institutionalised) this organisation is seen as the distinguishing form of organisation and legitimate authority in industrial society. This authority comes with rights and responsibilities of office when procedures are made and followed by subordinates hence the authority does not come from the individuals or traditions of the office but the responsibilities and procedures are designated within the position itself. Parsons the functionalist seeks to explain the structure of society, he views society as a system that is made up of a set of inter-connected parts, put together, form a whole. These parts are the institutions of society, the family, education system, political institutions etc, all of which share common goals and together work for balance and consensus and order in society. Parsons idea was that social groups need and will co-operate with one another therefore becoming interdependent, he finds it difficult to see how members of society could effectively work and co-operate together without social inequalities. The inequalities of power serve to further collective goals based on shared values will benefit members of society and hence integrate rather than divide societies. The ranking of individuals is based on a consensual view of the importance of positions. Today in western society class differentiation does exist and has an impact on life chances and determines how we live. The inequalities that exist are not only in class and status but also race, gender, age etc, people from these minority groups are often discriminated against and powerless. The majority of service users are those who are living in poverty and as stated in by Becker and MacPherson 1988 indicates service users are likely to be: ‘Old or young, able-bodied or with a special need, an offender, a single parent, an abused child or partner, black or white, service users are more likely to be poor and most likely to be drawn from those sections of the population which enjoy the least status, security and power.' Adams et al (2002) page 42 Authority is within the hierarchy of organisations, when the authority of one superior is then subordinate to the other. The bureaucracy is about rules set regulations and procedures and in turn promotes functions. Social work has seen the provision and development of new and somewhat complex structures e.g. highly developed and formalised division of labour, extensive hierarchies of command, rules and procedures, transactions are noted and recorded and that of trained officials. These try to combine specialisation with integration and co-ordinated direction whilst providing standardised services to meet the needs of the service users at the same time. The service users may perceive the social worker as a symbol of power who holds authority from a bureaucratic state. The negative aspect of this perception could be detrimental for the service user as this may hinder communication and co-operation between the service user and the social worker, therefore identification and resolve of the service users difficulty could be adversely delayed. Although the social worker has a degree of power within their profession, they are governed themselves by state legislation and legitimate authority, they are at times constrained by their agency as to how much power they actually have. If a service user who has been hospitalised and is now on his way to recovery but has physical impairments, therefore, requiring specialist equipment to be installed before he can return home the social worker although seeking to empower the service user cannot do so as constrained due to the lack of his/her agencies financial resources for the necessary equipment hence disempowering the service user. The agency itself is financed and budgeted by state, this may limit resources that the social worker may eventually offer or not offer the service user. As they work as part of a bureaucratic state they must follow procedures, guidelines and policies whilst striving amongst all this to serve the service users in such a manner as to never lose sight of the fact that they are individuals who have rights that must be respected and to ensure that the service user is empowered. Conclusion As social workers we are bound by the government's legislation on what we can and can not do for these individuals. The government has made social work a profession hence giving social workers the status then the power. Social workers are conditioned and controlled by the state as social workers are governed by the state to maintain the smooth functioning social order, in my opinion maintains the ‘status quo' on behalf of the state. Therefore social workers are in fact in alliance with the state and are instruments of state power who may at times be, themselves tied and bound by the power given to them, as stated by Harris â€Å"Social Workers s power is expressed not just by what they do but by what they are, and they are subject to the very power they are themselves exercising† in Davis ,M (2000) page 28 Social workers may very well find themselves at times in a no win situation whilst they are striving to empower the service user.

Martin Luther King Jr. - 1581 Words

Martin Luther King Jr. said, â€Å"I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character,† (â€Å"Martin Luther King Jr. Quotes†). In perhaps, one of the most famous speeches of humanity, Martin Luther King, Jr’s. â€Å"I Have A Dream† speech had one main point; that all deserve to be equal. Unfortunately, King’s dream hasn’t been reached yet, and African-Americans are still discriminated against and judged unfairly. According to the U.S Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, racial discrimination is the act of treating someone differently or unfairly because of race (â€Å"Race/Color Discrimination†). Martin Luther King Jr. believed that all people should be treated the same regardless of ethnicity. Therefore, American society should care about racial discrimination because the rate of African-Americans in jail is much higher than whites, innocent African-Americans have been killed by police without reason, and African-Americans are often profiled by the police. The act of racial discrimination, unfortunately, occurs today all over America. Racial discrimination occurs to many ethnicities, one of the more common ethnicities it occurs to are: African-Americans, Hispanics, and Asians. People of these ethnicities are then treated differently, due to the fact that they look different. The act of racial discrimination can occur anywhere and at any time. It can be seen as somethingShow MoreRelatedMartin Luther King Jr.867 Words   |  4 Pagespeople, one of them is Martin Luther King Jr. He made the world a better place for black citizens by doing non-violence movements and marched the way to freedom. 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Despite these obstacles,Read MoreMartin Luther King Jr.1078 Words   |  5 PagesMartin Luther King, Jr., was a very strong person, constantly fighting for what he believed in, which was equality for African Americans. He was not scared to stand up and tell the world what he wanted for society. He was fearless and did everything in his power to prove a point. Martin Luther King, Jr., was the strongest individual of his time, for he fought until death, which proves how much he was willing to risk his life to make the world an equal place. Growing up, he had a very interestingRead MoreMartin Luther King, Jr Essay1153 Words   |  5 Pagesbe slaves, African-Americans saw a road trip to equality through the eyes of Martin Luther King, Jr. Even after being emancipated from slaves to citizens, African-Americans were not ready to wage the battle against segregation alone. The weight which African Americans carried on their back, was lightened when they began to see what Martin Luther King, Jr. brought to the table against segregation. Martin Luther King, Jr. was the single most important African-American leader of the Civil Rights MovementRead MoreBiography of Martin Luther King, Jr745 Words   |  3 PagesMartin Luther King, Jr. (January 15, 1929-April 4, 1968) was born on in his mothers parents large house on Auburn Avenue in Atlanta, Georgia. He was the second child, and was first named Michael, after his father. Both changed their names to Martin when the boy was still young. King JR was born into a financially secu re family middle class with that, They received better education in respect to most people of their race. King Jr, noticed this and this influenced him to live a life of social protestRead MoreEssay on Martin Luther King, Jr.591 Words   |  3 PagesMartin Luther King, Jr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was born at home on Tuesday, January 15, 1929 in Atlanta, Georgia. His parents were Martin Luther, Sr. and Alberta King. He was born into a world where segregation was the law. Where his boyhood best friend, who was white, wasnt allowed to play with him once they started school. Where black people went to separate bathrooms, drank from separate water fountains, couldnt eat in whites only restaurants, and had toRead MoreMartin Luther King Jr.1144 Words   |  5 PagesMartin Luther King Jr. (January 15 1929-April 4, 1968) Brief Summary (of who MLK Jr. is): Martin Luther King Jr. was a Baptist minister and an activist who led the civil rights movement in the 1950. He was a fundamental force behind the civil rights movement that ended legal segregation. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964. But he was sadly assassinated in 1968 on a second floor balcony of Lorraine Motel in Memphis, Tennessee†¦ Childhood: Martin Luther was never poor. He lived with a middleRead MoreMartin Luther King Jr.2405 Words   |  10 PagesMartin Luther King Jr. was a Baptist minister and social activist, who led the Civil Rights Movement in the United States from the mid-1950s until his death by assassination in 1968. IN THESE GROUPS NOBEL PEACE PRIZE WINNERS FAMOUS PEOPLE WHO DIED IN 1968 FAMOUS PEOPLE WHO WENT TO PRISON FAMOUS CAPRICORNS Show All Groups 1 of 19  «  » QUOTES â€Å"But we come here tonight to be saved from that patience that makes us patient with anything less than freedom and justice.† —Martin Luther King Jr. Read MoreMartin Luther King Jr. Essay1862 Words   |  8 Pagesbut the content of the character,† (Martin Luther King Jr,1963) Martin Luther King Jr. was a smart child and had a good childhood. He learned values from his parents, and Martin Luther King Jr was a man of much wisdom during his time. He was a major contributor to the civil rights movement, and those contributions have profound effect even today. Michael Luther King was Martin Luther King Jr’s name when was born. His parents changed his name to Martin Luther King when he was just a young boy. TheyRead More Martin Luther King Jr. Essay637 Words   |  3 Pages Martin Luther King, Jr. was perhaps one of the most influential person of our time. As the father of modern civil rights movement, Dr.Martin Luther king, Jr., is recognized around the world as a symbol of freedom and peace. Born January 15, 1929, King was the son of an Atlanta pastor. King accomplished many achievements during his life. He graduated from Morehouse as a minister in 1948 and went on to Crozer Theological seminary in Chester, Pa., where he earned a divinity degree. After that King

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